Jimmy Fallon performs song with U2 at Madison Square Garden concert

23 Jul 2015 | Author: | No comments yet »

Chevy Chase, Jimmy Fallon play ‘Heart and Soul’ better than you.

Chevy Chase offered Jimmy Fallon a literal hand on The Tonight Show Wednesday night when the two former Saturday Night Live cast members — both nursing mangled limbs — performed a charmingly sloppy rendition of the classic piano duet, “Heart and Soul.” Fallon, back after nearly tearing off his finger, was digging through the Tonight Show suggestion box and reluctantly declined one fan’s request for a song, unless he could get some help. First off, while taping “The Tonight Show,” he did a cute bit with Chevy Chase where the two “Saturday Night Live” alums played “Heart and Soul” on the piano despite each only having one working hand.

But once the workday was over, Fallon took his pals The Roots over to New York’s Madison Square Garden to check out U2‘s “Innocence and Experience” tour. Fallon joined the band in a rendition of “Desire,” eliciting cheers for his impression of Bono while singing. “It’s not easy being Bono,” he joked. After Fallon finished the song – complete with a harmonica solo thanks to the mouth organ handed to him by a roadie at the last second – U2 decided to keep with the “Rattle + Hum” tunes and had the “Tonight Show” host bring out the Roots for “Angel of Harlem.” Fallon quickly shushed and reminded him that younger kids might be watching. “Oh I didn’t see any,” Chase apologized. “I meant to say Ariana Grande videos.” Fallon again frantically waved off the remark and Chase, still not completely getting it, managed to innocently slip in one more masturbation joke for good measure. Mad Max will roar back out of the apocalypse while Mad Men rides off into the sunset, rock’s Antichrist Superstar and hip-hop’s Yeezus will rise again.

Bernie Sanders is nominally a socialist, or at least he sorta-kinda calls himself one. “Do they think I’m afraid of the word?” he mused in a recent interview with The Nation. “I’m not afraid of the word.” When The Washington Post gave him the opportunity to disavow the epithet during his 2006 Senate run, Sanders stood firm: “I wouldn’t deny it,” he said. “Not for one second. I very rarely read in any coverage of Bernie that he’s a socialist.” In apparent violation of this supposed cover-up, The Daily Beast’s Ana Marie Cox has labeled Sanders an “extremist” “caricature” who amounts to “the Left’s Trump.” The Week’s Damon Linker was also tempted by the Sanders-Trump comparison, calling them “unelectable radicals,” and noting that Sanders “shows little interest in tailoring his message to woo the masses.” Yet, despite his inescapable affiliation with the s-word – long considered a politically fatal liability – and his reported contempt for the masses’ sensibilities, Sanders continues to draw enormous crowds, outpace Hillary Clinton in attracting small donations and generate great enthusiasm, even among groups conventional wisdom doggedly insists will refuse to embrace his candidacy. That these throngs – energized by Sanders’ egalitarian economic advocacy, support for worker empowerment and hostility to what he calls “the billionaire class” – are not noticeably put off by the description of these qualities as socialist, as opposed to merely “progressive,” raises the question: Why doesn’t Sanders avail himself of this political latitude and run on a more socialistic policy program? Of the “12 Steps Forward” in his “Agenda for America,” none diverge from the policies advocated by Sanders’ fellow members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus.

In fact, with the exception of “Creating Worker Co-ops,” “Trade Policies that Benefit American Workers” and “Health Care as a Right for All,” none of the items would seem out of place in a stump speech or State of the Union address by President Obama. For now, this sort of platform constitutes the leftmost bounds of mainstream policy discourse, but there is plenty of room to stretch leftward through advocacy of “non-reformist reforms” – those that, in the words of French philosopher André Gorz, “advance toward a radical transformation of society,” producing a “modification of the relations of power” and thus “serv[ing] to weaken capitalism and to shake its joints.” On the other hand, an increase in the minimum wage – to use one example from Sanders’ platform – yields a host of advantages for working people, and plainly excites the opposition of the capitalist class, but it neither socializes ownership claims on capital, nor fundamentally changes the power relations between workers and owners, nor incites a process that yields equality as reliably as capitalism yields inequality.

Running on a platform with a non-reformist reform at its core would serve Sanders’ pro-equality political project, even if he should lose to Clinton and her mountains of corporate cash. Once one of these off-the-agenda items is named, articulated and argued for – once people are familiarized with a program’s contours, rationale and merits – it is much easier to mobilize support for an idea. People for Bernie (whose open letter encouraging Sanders to run I signed) may hope for an ongoing political organization, such as emerged from the insurgent candidacy of Sanders’ fellow Vermonter, former Gov.

The more attention and enthusiasm his candidacy garners, the more favorable the terrain will be for Sanders to pry open the boundaries of policy consideration. Under this program, the federal government would act as the “employer of last resort”; it could hire the unemployed for its own national projects, funnel money to states and municipalities or let communities design their own projects and apply for funding. It would magnify worker power by providing an exit from the job market, thereby setting minimum standards for all sorts for private sector employment. It would allow communities that currently rely on prisons to close them without toppling the local economy, thereby enabling the type of mass decarceration Sanders would do well to advocate forcefully, the better to make up for his recent blunder at Netroots Nation. It would promote ecological sustainability by making full employment independent of the resource extraction sector, by paying for low-emissions employment like elder- and childcare and by providing resources for pollution-reducing infrastructure renovation.

It would practically establish a public option for health care, since those availing themselves of the program would receive normal benefits for a federal employee. Nor is this some bizarre, far-fetched idea that would hike Sanders’ already uncomfortably high degree of Seeming Kooky: even without inclusion on the agenda of any mainstream political actors, a job guarantee already polls at 47 percent. Ironically, no one touts the merits of guaranteed public employment more vigorously than modern monetary theorists like Stephanie Kelton, the chief economist for the Democratic staff on the Sanders-chaired Senate Budget Committee.

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